See the attachment Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

See the attachment - Essay Example The accounting information that is mainly used includes trends of prices, cash flow, market share and firms available resources. 2 (A) Define Sense-making This refers to the process whereby individuals provide a meaning to a particular event or experience. This process is attributed to the existence of cognitive gap where individuals encounter out of making sense from any observed data or information. According to Kauer (2008) in his investigation underlying individual sense-making provides that sense-making is basically an approach of thinking involving assumptions, conceptual frameworks, methodologies and substantive propositions (Kauer, 2008). This process in real life is considered a capability in the corporate world because of its importance in the leadership of dynamic and complex situations. The general activities underlying sense-making include collection of relevant, valid and reliable data, conversations and actions recommended. 2 (B) Describe the context of sense-making in strategic management accounting It is notable that there are theories which have provided evidence that strategic management accounting is vital in developing sense-making process. ... Among the core management accounting roles is to control and manage the organization budget. This involves sense-making processes activities such as knowing the budget, project funding and the current costing of the project. The sense-making activities ensure that there is accuracy in the analysis as well as the collection of organization values and operating costs. Strategic management accounting involves assigning of costs outside the budget. In regard to this aspect of strategic management accounting sense-making process is incorporated in bringing the whole picture where all the expenses and cost are pre-determined by the underlying managers. The sense-making activities under this include market analysis follow up, customer service costs and expenses. Strategic management accounting has notably adopted sense-making process in conducting competitor’s analysis and comparison (Hoque, 2006). Sense-making process integrated in the management accounting process offers an avenue where other businesses costs, revenues and profitability are examined within the same industry. According to Tor Hernes, (2012) this is attributed to organization products and services costs constantly changing because of the dynamism, market forces and other organizational factors (Tor Hernes, 2012). Sense-making activities among the strategic management manager will ensure that measures are put in place for the company to enhance its cost management in comparison with their competitors. This can also be linked with the company enhancing profitability and consolidating its market share. Finally sense-making activities in the context of strategic management accounting regard organization

Juno Movie Analysis Essay

Juno Movie Analysis Essay Females have been stereotyped, from the prefect wife to the maid.. Whatever the role, television, film and popular magazines are full of images of women and girls who are typically white, desperately thin, with flawless skin. However, female stereotypes continue to thrive in the media we consume every day. In 2007, director Jason Reitman, brought fourth into the world A comedy about growing up And the bumps along the way. It started as an independent film phenomenon but soon grew into a motion picture that captured the hearts and minds of millions of people. The movie was entitled Juno. Juno reflects the changing gender issues and social attitudes regarding teenage pregnancy. Since the movie was release, there have been quite a few television shows with teen pregnancy as the main theme, namely ABC Familys The Secret Life of the American Teenager in 2008 and MTVs Sixteen and Pregnant in 2008 and Teen Mom in 2010. Twenty years ago, movies and TV shows showing teenage pregnancy in such a positive light would have been seen as some kind of dislike and probably never have aired. If the issues of teenage pregnancy were to have come up at all, it would have been seen with very negative connotations. Juno opens the doors for TV shows such as the one mention above and changes the dominant ideology reflecting the change in social attitudes regarding teenage pregnancy and gender roles. Juno tells the story of teenager, Juno McGruff who becomes pregnant after a sexual encounter with her friend Paulie Bleeker. Upon making her mind either keep the baby, have the baby and give it up for adoption, or to have an abortion, Juno decides to have the baby and to give it up for adoption. The rest of the movie goes on to telling the story of Junos pregnancy, including telling her parents that she is pregnant, the process of selecting a family in which to give her child to, her changing relationship with Paulie, and her daily life and struggles as a pregnant high school student. In the end, the parents in which Juno decided to give her baby to, Mark and Vanessa, end up getting a divorce. Yet, Juno still decided to give her baby to Vanessa in the end. This is one of the biggest ways that I think Juno represents the changing gender roles. Aside from one minor meltdown toward the end of the movie, Juno seems to deal with her unplanned pregnancy in a somewhat cheerful, sarcastic ma nor. This shows that an unplanned pregnancy, something that would have been seen as almost unforgivable and an act that would ruin any young womans reputation, nowadays is seen as an almost normal event, even though it may not be the most common. This also shows the evolution of gender roles and values in modern cinema. Finally is the issue of how casual sex is depicted in the film. Juno and Paulie were not in any kind of formal relationship, at least, not at the beginning of the movie, when they had sex and Juno got pregnant. While Juno and Paulie do engage in casual sex, Juno is never called an offensive name, nor does it ever mention that she has been with any other partners in the movie. This depiction of a casual encounter is yet another example of changing gender roles and values within the depiction of teenage women in the media. As most of us know by now, when a girl enters adolescence, she faces a series of loss and changes, the loss of self confidence and not to mention the body changes. As psychologist have pointed out in recent years, adolescent girls in American are afflicted with a range of problem, including low self- esteem, eating disorders, binge drinking, date rape and other dating violence, teen pregnancyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦(Gilligan). Jessica L. speaks of the specific issues with the film in her paper, Sexual Subjectivity: A Semiotic Analysis of Girlhood, Sex and Sexuality in the Film Juno. While situating sexual desire, biological possibilities, and social responses to girls engagement in sexual intercourse at the center of its plot, Juno depicts the transgressive sexual agency of a young girl without substantially disrupting longstanding discourses of femininity. Though an analysis of the semiotics of girlhood within the film, [she] argue[s] that the girl figure in this representation signifies an [combination] of two traditionally [categorized] concepts of femininity. Juno serves as a particularly intriguing example of the ways in which adolescent female sexuality is conceptualized within western culture during the early part of the 21st century (Willis). In her paper, she goes on to commend Diablo Cody, writer of Juno for her representation of Juno, in a visual era lacking widespread representations of strong youth female characters not sexually objectified or singularly defined by their interest in romance (Willis). The way Juno is portrayed as a female character that is not overtly sexualized starts with her basic appearance. Rather than a stereotypical depiction of the female body as a sexual object, sexual desire is visibly expressed and acted upon by the girl character (Willis). The fact that Juno was the one to initiate the sexual contact with Paulie challenges the traditional beliefs of gender roles in the area of teenage sexuality. In the movie Juno, teenage pregnancy is also being displayed in the almost positive way. In other media, pregnancy is displayed showing some kind of negative effect. The way media shows any kind of issue is usually a direct reflection of social values. Angela McRobbie addresses this issue in her book Feminism and Youth Culture. The diversification of forms of media and the sophisticated [shake-up] of various categories of audience require that, while a consensual social morality might still be a political objective, the chances of it being delivered directly through the channels of the media are much less certain (McRobbie). But the question still remains, is media influencing the way we think regard teenage pregnancy, or is it a correct reflection of our changing attitudes? I believe that the media influences the way we think of any issue in this case teen pregnancy. The authors of the article Suddenly Teen Pregnancy is Cool? suggest perhaps a little of both. While they do point out all the instances of teenage pregnancy in recent years of popular culture, Movies like Knocked Up and Waitress, and celebrity moms including Nicole Richie and Jessica Alba, are part of a trend thats sweeping teen culture along with it: American Idol star Fantasia Barrino became a mom at 17, and the last season of Degressi: The Next Generation ended with Emma realizing that she might be pregnant. The media is awash in it, says David Landry, senior research associate at the Guttmacher Institute in New York, a non-profit organization focused on sexual and reproductive health (Gulli). In Conclusion, Juno decides to avoid traditional family roles and still gives her child to Vanessa, even though she and Mark are divorcing. It is not unusual to see a single working mother nowadays, especially more so now than thirty years ago. Even single working mothers are shown more frequently in the media such as in Gilmore Girls and the new show Parenthood. Through the examples of traditional family roles being challenged by Juno still giving Vanessa her baby, a positive representation of unwanted teenage pregnancy, and showing casual sex between teenagers, it is clear that the release of Juno opens the doors for TV shows such as the one mention above and changes the dominant ideology reflecting the change in social attitudes regarding teenage pregnancy and gender roles. We just need to remember like Margaret Mead once said, today our children are not brought up by parents, they are brought up by the mass media (mead).

Legalization of Marijuana :: Weed Drugs Argumentative Essays

For many years the use of marijuana for medical purposes has been an issue of controversial discussion. Many claim that marijuana is a drug that has proven itself to be of no medical value in the treatment of terminal illnesses. Those who feel this way, usually ignore the long history of marijuana’s medical uses; a history that goes back thousands of years ago. The drug has aided many people with the coping of terminal diseases. The use of marijuana as a medicinal herb has allowed many with no hope, to enjoy life more fully and lead rather decent life-styles. Marijuana has been erroneously classified as an addictive drug that causes unrepairable psychological side effects. This may be true if marijuana is taken in heavy doses and for recreational purposes. The real fact however, is that this condition could occur with the abuse of any drug, whether it is legalized by the Medical Board or not. If marijuana is abused, it is being used in an abnormal manner, therefore possibly le ading to severe emotional reactions and personality changes. Marijuana should be classified as a non-addictive drug thereby being legalized for medical purposes. The use of marijuana, under medical observation and through proper doses, in fact will not create a drug-addict, but rather it will enhance and increase the chances of a better life style.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  All throughout the different epochs of this world’s history, cannibis sativa and cannibis indica, more commonly known as marijuana, has verified to its users its medicinal powers. Delta-9-Tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) is the most active ingredient out of the already known 460 compounds found in cannibis. It is present in large amounts and is extremely psychoactive (Grinspoon and Bakalar). The first known record of marijuana use for medical purposes was in 2737 B.C. by a Chinese emperor by the name of Chen-nung. He recommended it for the treatment of malaria, constipation, rheumatic pains, absent-mindedness, and female disorders. After Chen-nung discoveries, many cultures acquired the emperor’s knowledge and accepted the therapeutic benefits of the medicinal plant. For example, in India, â€Å"Cannabis has been recommended to quicken the mind, lower fevers, induce sleep, cure dysentery, stimulate appetite, improve digestion, relive headaches, and cure v eneral diseases† (Grinspoon and Bakalar). Other places where marijuana began to make a big impact were Persia, Assayria, Greece, Africa, South America, Turkey, and Egypt. Within the realms of Western medicine, cannibis began to demonstrate its abilities from 1840 to 1900.

Characterization in the Dentist

Characterization in â€Å"The Dentist† from The Things They Carried by Tim O'Brien Name Course January 19, 2012 Instructor Characterization in â€Å"The Dentist† from The Things They Carried by Tim O'Brien In â€Å"The Dentist† from The Things They Carried, Tim O’Brien begins by telling a story of a character, Curt Lemon, whom O’Brien was not particularly fond of and whose death was not easy to mourn. O’Brien tells a story of Curt Lemon as to avoid sentimentalism. The setting takes place along the South China Sea, in which the men of the platoon are working in an area of operations called the Rocket Pocket. This story of Curt Lemon begins by telling of a visit by an Army dentist who was flown in to examine the men’s teeth and perform minor repairs. O’Brien describes Lemon as tense in this moment, at which point Lemon explains to the men of the platoon that his experiences with dentists in the past have not been pleasant and now he refuses to let anyone mess with his teeth. When he is called in to get his teeth checked, he faints. But later he returns and tells the dentist that he has a severe toothache and insists that it be pulled immediately. Although the dentist finds no problems with Curt Lemon’s tooth, he obliges. It is ironic that Curt Lemon is killed at the Rocket Pocket by a grenade that he was playing catch with, just after he is reassured of his bravery by facing his fear and having his tooth pulled. It is ironic because Lemon is severely afraid of something as typically harmless as a checkup by a dentist, yet completely disregards the potential harm of playing catch with a deadly weapon. The tone is that of an introspective story of memory, as shown through this story of his remembrance of Curt Lemon and the Army dentist as well as the way in which he speaks of Lemon’s experiences with dentists in his past. I believe O’Brien chooses this particular story of Curt and the dentist because it is one of general fondness, which is in line with the tone of the story. This story is somewhat humorous and ironic and these are the types of sentimentalisms that typically remain in one’s introspective memory for a lifetime. The general themes in this story appear to portray the weight of one’s emotional as well as physical burdens. There also seems to be a theme of motivation through a fear of shame, as shown by Curt’s fear of the dentist, which he is ashamed of, which then motivates him to prove his bravery. The Dentist† appears to illustrate physical suffering as an easier burden than that of emotional or mental suffering. The greatest enemy of these soldiers was that which was unknown. Curt Lemon gets his tooth pulled in an attempt appear brave to his platoon and perhaps to be acquainted with the feeling of suffering. Through the act of experiencing this pain and becoming acquainted with this suffering, Curt Lemon’s mind is eased of the anticipation and fear of the unknown suffering he might endure in war. This appears to be an insignificant triumph, but in reality is necessary amid the chaos of war.

Fashion and Architecture

The organic structure can be seen and thought of as a machine, a vehicle, every bit good as a edifice. Therefore it could be stated that dressing of an single provides a definition of personal infinite as do architectural constructions though they are bigger in graduated table. Manner and architecture have many connexions: they both aim to â€Å" do † shelter for the human being and reflect our gustatory sensation. In this construct, it is widely accepted that manner and architecture relation started with the earliest work forces who used the same stuff for their vesture and for housing/shelter. This relationship has lead closer connexions between the two subjects, such as, both Fieldss have commonalties in their design procedure which makes them portion the same boundaries: Both designers and manner interior decorators aim to make perfect, comfy and beautiful signifiers for the human organic structure. On the other manus, Architecture and Fashion differ in many ways, such as, Fashion is inevitable to decease in shorter clip than architecture, it is related to smaller graduated table, and most significantly, Fashion is more about selling and ingestion while Architecture is monumental and relates to infinity. These differences wholly create a yarn of commodification and commercialization for Architecture. Architecture acts as a maker of infinite, i.e. , it acts as a symbolic metaphor and an agent of the society ‘s cultural values. Since the outer infinite reflects our interior infinites, this commodification and commercialization might take Architecture to lose its mission in the societal life. Therefore this work suggests that Architecture should acquire engaged in human infinites, traditions and cultural values of the society, sustainability, infinity, and integrity of the life, instead than temporalty of manner. This Master ‘s Dissertation aims to research the relationship between Architecture and Fashion from conceptual, imagination, materiality and planetary positions. This survey proposes that in today ‘s extremely globalised universe, it is about impossible to pattern architecture separate from manner since both humanistic disciplines are antiphonal to the persons ‘ and the societies ‘ civilization and environment. In a conceptual sense, both Architecture and Fashion address psychological perceptual experiences, and spacial constructions. From the imagination – ocular position of point, both humanistic disciplines reflect the gustatory sensation of the persons who occupy those infinites, and from the materiality context, Architecture and Fashion have many in common, such as, usage of cloths and stuffs, usage of engineering, and from the planetary point of position, both humanistic disciplines and creative persons in these Fieldss have an chance to interact closely with each other in particularly socially antiphonal, more sustainable, and economical design. The work sets out to research the function of Fashion in Architectural design and visa poetry from exploratory and interpretative positions, showing preliminary findings from the literature study, ocular stuffs, pronunciamento of the interior decorators, and personal observations and readings. This survey differs from the old surveies in the sense that although much of the literature finds out that the relation between Fashion and Architecture is about a must and inevitable happening, and they propose closer relationships, this survey proposes that this fact creates a hazard for Architecture to go from conceptualization and to travel towards commerce and commodification. In this manner, architecture becomes a consumer production, instead than the reading of the infinite. This thesis is further developed to plan our â€Å" Fashionable Hut † . Architecturally, we aim to stand for the timeless architecture tailored harmonizing to the seasonableness of the modern-day epoch.IntroductionThe stopping point relationship between Architecture and Fashion ( hereafter A & A ; F ) is frequently referred to the usage of the same stuff for covering of his organic structure and for constructing shelter of the earliest adult male. The recent exhibition on this relationship Skin + Bones ( 24 April – 10 August 2008 ) has besides explored several parallel patterns between these two subjects from 1980s to onwards. These patterns included digital design procedure, usage of complex geometry, colors, lines, visible radiations, etc. Globalisation, which is widely accepted as the promotions in engineering, peculiarly transit and communicating agencies, enabled b oth A & A ; F to develop more possibilities in design and flexibleness in application. Thus one of the purposes of this thesis is to research the common features and interrelatedness between Architecture and Fashion in a planetary construct. In fact, this thought has arisen from the observation of parallel growing of materiality and designation in manner and architecture designs and executions. On the other manus, as this maestro ‘s thesis chief statement suggests, these close synergisms between the two subjects might make the hazard of commodification and commercialization in architecture and instead than an political orientation, architecture might go a consumer merchandise. The ground for this thought is that manner is marketing of desire while architecture is monumental ; manner is destined to decease in a short clip, while designers aim infinity via their musical compositions ; and most significantly, manner is a tool for fall ining to the society, being a portion of it while architecture provides privateness, i.e. isolation from the remainder of the universe. Our chief statement is that, the stopping point relationship between A & A ; F, could make a hazard for architecture cut downing the architectural political orientation to the facing and exterior image, merely. Sing to the relation between A & A ; F, we take conceptual, visual-imagery, and modern-day – age of globalization attacks to research the synergistic and discordant relation between the two Fieldss. In the conceptual geographic expedition, the constructs of beauty and its relation to architecture will be foremost explored in order to happen out manner ‘s and architectures common purpose to make the beautiful or perfect shelter and home for the human being. From the conceptual point of position, both A & A ; F reflects the gustatory sensation, individuality, and civilization of the person and the society at a given period. However, this period is greatly short for Fashion compared to the infinity of architecture. â€Å" If manner is the linguistic communication of architecture, manner represents the broad – and – swirling-cultural currents that form and direct that linguistic communication † says Rybczynski, â€Å" architectural repute, every bit goo d as architecture comes on the manner ‘s sway. Therefore, at its most basic, â€Å" the mission of architecture is application of a manner on a infinite in order to show our gustatory sensation ‘ . On the individuality side, the manner system, as described by Barthes ( 1983, 277 ) is a â€Å" cultural object, with its ain original construction, and likely, with a new conclusiveness†¦ through the linguistic communication which henceforth takes charge of it, Fashion becomes narrative † . Therefore manner manipulates the ocular linguistic communication as a agency of reflecting the individuality of persons in particular, and the civilization of the society in general while architecture, in a broader sense goes beyond pull stringsing the ocular linguistic communication, but is more sophisticated in footings of pull stringsing the construct of the whole infinite. Manner is slightly a contemplation of the corporate individuality of a given group, such as, same gender, age group, occupational group, and so on, while architecture is for everyone in a given society. While manner is shaped by the persons, architecture shapes the society through the spacial applications. In am ount, manner can be described as the wall of the organic structure while architecture is the organic structure itself and the home environing that organic structure. On the ocular and imagery attack, A & A ; F portion more in common, particularly with the developments in stuff and digital techniques, such as, high tech fabrics, fictile edifice stuffs, computing machine assisted design ( CAD ) package, and all that. One normally ascertained modern-day fact that architecture and manner are both basking the usage of fictile and flexible stuffs which enables designers, such as, Zaha Hadid and Rem Koolhass to borrow ruffling techniques from the manner interior decorators and manner interior decorators, such as, Lucy Orta and Yeohlee Teng borrowing from the construct of urban infinite and lastingness from designers However, these adoptions today are observed so often that it holds a danger for architecture to be reduced to come up, and the harmoniousness between the outer and inner of the construction is about lost ( this will be farther explored and discussed in the globalization construct ) . From the modern-day position, several issues will be explored: It can be said that modern-day epoch conditions, such as, computing machine aided designs, flexible and lasting stuffs, engineering and communicating agencies which are available about to everyone in the universe as forcing factors Fashion, Architecture and other scientific discipline and art subdivisions interact better than those in the yesteryear. The modern-day epoch is, of class, non without jobs: environmental issues, limited beginnings ( such as energy and H2O ) , planetary heating, in-migration and civil rights, and so on. Hereof, it is observed that modern-day epoch [ 1 ] interior decorators should be more socially responsible and interact in these issues more. That is to state, design should non be consumed so fast, interior decorators should move more environmental witting and socially antiphonal, sameness in planetary metropoliss might make a calamity, commodification and commercialization should be avoided, t he harmoniousness between the inner and outer surfaces and homes should non be avoided. If these can non be done because of the mass media and mass production, than forging the architecture is inevitable which is represented in our â€Å" Fashionable Hut † . From a simple point of view, the function of manner within architecture is relentless particularly on the surfaces and faades, coatings, and appliqus. The intent of this probe is to object to the typical relationship between F & A ; A. The place of this thesis is that architecture should travel back to its earliest signifier. This thought is further developed with the design constituent which attempts to construct a wearable infinite in order to alter the surface easy in line with vesture manner. The architectural probe Centres on the inquiry: can architecture be fashioned instead than conceptualised? The remainder of the work is catalogued as follows.Dissertation StatementIn today ‘s of all time altering environmen t art Fieldss and interior decorators are influenced by each other. However, when it comes the Fashion and Architecture interactions this relationship goes back every bit early as the Ice Age. This thesis explores three dimensions of A & A ; F interactions with particular involvement on the African influence on Modernity: cultural, visual-imagery and planetary construct where each of these will carry on single subdivisions throughout the work.AimsManner and Architecture have many analogues in footings of their aims and usage of graduated tables in add-on to utilize of colorss, angles, visible radiation, etc. The purpose of this thesis is twofold: to understand the relationship between A & A ; F from the past patterns and to plan a construction stand foring the eternity of the architecture compared to the short life of manner.MethodologyAs for many humanistic disciplines and humanity surveies, the nature of this thesis is a qualitative 1. Therefore, informations will be collected thr ough beginnings, such as interior decorators ‘ plants, web sites, and interviews in add-on to analysis of exhibitions, aggregations, designs, and constructions.Background: BeginningsIn the clich signifier, the relationship between these two subjects back to the earliest adult male ‘s usage of the same stuffs for sheltering himself and for covering his organic structure. At its most simplistic description, building started with the earliest adult male constructing a shelter for him and so did the started when he covered his organic structure ( with the same stuff ) . The development of this interaction, chiefly from Semper ‘s position of point will be discussed in the theoretical chapter of this work. For the clip being, we foremost aim to separate manner from vesture and architecture from building by mentioning to their significances. The word manner comes from the Latin word fascia significance to do or a peculiar brand or form ( Kawamura, 2005, p. 3 ) . Although manner is largely used to show vesture tendencies, particularly, adult females ‘s vesture [ 1 ] nevertheless, in a broader term ( and for the intent of this survey ) it refers to the rapid alterations in tendencies that occurred particularly after the nineteenth-century industrialisation as a consequence of the developments in bring forthing new manner rapidly and someway cheaply. Fashion constructs desire, and it is a fleeting procedure. Architecture, on the other manus, is non merely doing or determining the construction, as Colomina defines it â€Å" architecture is the reading of the infinite † . It is an experiential, interpretive and critical, effect. Therefore architecture is a monumentary conceptual, ideological, and philosophical procedure which constructs vision in contrast to manner ‘s ocular facets. A & A ; F interaction starts in a manner of exposing the individuality of an single and making the perfect spacial surface and construction, both Fieldss portion the thought of â€Å" the human organic structure and on thoughts of infinite, volume, and motion † and every bit good because both are a bed that communicates between the environment and organic structure with the ability to convey individuality on the personal, political, cultural and other degrees within life and society † . In lingual footings, manner could be described as ‘the visual image of the image individuality that the users want to reflect to the society ‘ . This individuality is non needfully to be the existent individuality of the individual ; it is instead about what we want the society to believe about us, but non truly what we are in existent life. Taking architecture as a linguistic communication defined by Jencks, contemporarily, architecture could be both defined as the visual ima ge of our Real individualities, and individuality does non alter every bit frequently as manner tendencies do. However, as we conceive of it today ( and for the intent of this survey ) , architecture is an experiential, critical, and interpretive pattern instead than being about building merely. Therefore it dates back to the Greek Mythology of the Labyrinth ( BC 3 ) where Daedalus who built the Cretan Labyrinth is regarded as the first designer. Nevertheless, be due to the interpretive nature of architecture, contrary to the myth, Daedalus was non the first designer since he built the maze but did non understand its construction, Ariadne who interpreted the construction with the aid of a device ( a yarn ) should be regarded as the first designer ( Colomina, ) . Manner, on the other manus, developed in a different mode, while architecture aimed to determine the society, manner was shaped by the society itself. In fact, apart from vesture as an ordinary definition, manner started merely in the AD 1700s in line with the merchandiser capitalist economy and accelerated during and after the Indust rial Revolution since the working category could attempt to vie with the upper category in footings of vesture and dressing up [ 2 ] . Therefore, from the historical position, we can speak about the links between A & A ; F merely associating the period after the 18th C. But, what drove such a relationship? In other words, how did architecture collide in the kingdom of manner, or vice-versa? Following subdivision aims to reply these inquiries in order to keep a theoretical background to our unfavorable judgment sing to today ‘s status.ConceptualizationArchitectural history, it turns out, was ideally situated to cover with the dual intension of manner as the history of vesture manners and the more specific usage of manner to denominate the procedure of alteration peculiar to capitalist economy. Because designers active around the bend of the last century were concerned straight with dress-either as an attempt to reform modern visual aspect or as portion of the scenography of int eriors-and because they were profoundly engaged with the temporal problematic of making a modern manner, their arguments betray an interesting conflation of vesture as artefact and manner as procedure, which in other Fieldss has created ambiguity. To this they brought a theoretical heritage concerned with the beginnings or aboriginal footing of architecture as a fiction of enclosure, shelter, or brooding ; analogies to covering the organic structure were standard, and fabrics were postulated to hold played a important function. Dress design has been an facet. In fact, the closest relation between A & A ; F might be stated as to make the â€Å" perfectly beautiful constructions and infinites † for the organic structure. In order to construe the infinite, as an designer, one should see it, and the Centre of the experiential universe is the human organic structure. â€Å" Our organic structures and motions are in changeless interaction with the environment ; the universe and the ego inform and redefine each other invariably † . Then, is the mission of manner to supply the most suited and comfy coverings for the organic structure to feel the infinite? While the importance of organic structure ( as proportion, motion, etc. ) was emphasised by Vitruvius in the BC20s, it was merely in 1900s when girdle was abolished from manner, and more recent, in 1960s that ( women's rightist ) adult females argued dressing in a mode of unrestricting their existent motions. While the organic structure and architecture and the organic structure and manner are so near, on the one manus, as Wigley emphasizes, designers tried to get away from the temporalty and futility of manner ( represented as feminine decorations in architecture ) during the Modern Era, by their judgement that manner ( represented in decoration in architecture ) is something feminine and ugly, on the other, many of those ( male designers ) â€Å" Henry Van de Velde, Josef Hoffmann, Lilly Reich, Frank Lloyd Wright or their married womans ( Anna Muthesius, Lilli Behrens ) designed apparels. Others, notably Otto Wagner, Adolf Loos, and Hermann Muthesius, wrote about manner † . In order to understand this paradox, Kinney proposes to understand the post-modernism foremost. However, in a reductionist manner, we will follow the historical mode. The metaphor of human organic structure as an architectural infinite is non a new construct ; or it is non a construct that appeared merely in the Modernism intervals, it can be traced every bit back as Vitruvius [ 3 ] who explored the organic structure as a proportion to the construction. Harmonizing to Vitruvius, â€Å" no edifice can be said to be good designed which wants symmetricalness and proportion. In truth they are as necessary to the beauty of a edifice as to that of a well formed human figure, which nature has so fashioned † ( De Architectura, Gwilt Translation, 1826, p. 78 ) [ 4 ] . In order to make the beat, edifices should be designed harmonizing to three correlative elements: utilitas, venustas, and firmitas [ 5 ] ( Rasmussen, 1959 ) . So, as to Vitruvius, architectural design should mention to the unquestionable flawlessness of the organic structure ‘s symmetricalness and proportions [ 6 ] . Even so, The issue of beauty had been debatable for Vitruvius. On the one manus he made allusions to the harmonic ratios of Pythagorean musical theory, proposing there was a higher cosmic order underlying the judgement of beauty. On the other manus he gave architects the right to change proportions if the †eye † calls for corrections, or as the humanistic disciplines make advancement † . As the perfect beauty is seldom found in the nature, therefore decoration, as the interceding component between natural nature ( stuffs ) and the telling lines of the architecture ( Mallgrave op cit ) was needed. This interceding component between the natural nature ( organic structure ) and the perfect expression is dressing and accoutrements in the manner sense. As Ruskin provinces, this ornamentation should be â€Å" whatever God has created † , such as, â€Å" abstract lines and the whole scope of systemized organic and inorganic signifiers † . Nonetheless, after rediscovery of Vitruvius in the 15th C, people interpreted him harmonizing to their ain manner be due to linguistic communication obstructions, the stylish cosmetic ‘excesses ‘ of the Rococo and in the medievalism of the Gothic and particularly in the Renaissance Era, architectural decoration to a great extent relied on the human figures. 18th C is marked as this to a great extent usage of decor ation ( specifically human figures, Laugier ( 1755 ) was responded merely in the Modernist Era. Do n't allow us be profuse in decorations, allow us set much field, something negligent, with the elegant and brilliant, allow us go through in common from the negligent to the field, from the simple to the elegant, from the elegant to the magnificent: Sometimes allow us travel briefly from one extreme to the other through resistance, the daring of which strikes the battle and may bring forth really expansive. This to a great extent trust of decoration should hold been in a manner that would non a quandary between the decoration usage and refute which likely best reflected by Winckelmann [ 7 ] ( 1755 ) . Once he stated that â€Å" sameness or humdrum as defects in architecture which consequence edifice without ornament and is like a healthy individual who is reduced to poverty, something no 1 looks upon as a good thing † , so subsequently he proposed that beauty is represented by â€Å" simpleness and repose, † ( chiefly by the Grecian interior decorators ) . ‘The Greeks entirely seem to hold thrown forth beauty as a thrower makes his pot ‘ ( because Greeks were close to the nature and they had copied it ) which he calls this beauty as baronial ( Lefaivre & A ; Tzonis, 2004, pp. 369-370 ) . While Winckelmann was someway obscure between the ornamented and simplified beauty, his modern-day, and chief rival -Italian architect- Giovanni Battista Piranesi was clear abo ut absolute beauty which came as the construct of â€Å" empyreal † placed above ‘beauty ‘ in the hierarchy. From an architectural position, Piranesi supported â€Å" to a great extent ornamented late-empire Roman architecture in resistance to the rigorists † . Similarly, Owen Jones who is regarded as one of the most influential design theoreticians and designers of the 19th C believes that decoration and proportion should function for the architectural flawlessness. In his words: â€Å" building should be decorated†¦ As in every perfect work of Architecture a true proportion will be found to reign between all the members which compose it, so throughout the Decorative Arts every gathering of signifiers should be arranged on certain definite proportions ; the whole and each peculiar member should be a multiple of some simple unit†¦ every decoration arises softly and of course from the surface decorated. . That is to state, the ideal beauty till th e 18th C was represented by proportion, symmetricalness, and beat which were found in the human organic structure, of course. In the short infinite of a individual subdivision of such a low survey, one can state small about the broad gamut of the whole argument of beauty, decoration, nature, and all the above issues reviewed above [ 8 ] . Rather, we intend to supply a short background to the closer relationship between vesture and architecture with particular mention to Semper ‘s Theory of Dressing, Sullivan ‘s â€Å" bare edifices † , and Loos ‘ absolute rejection of decoration in organic structures and edifices wholly created cardinal alterations in vesture and manner [ 9 ] , excessively in the Modern Era.IdentityGottfried Semper, who broke the Vitruvian high ideals by his Four Elementss of Architecture, could be regarded as the first who straight pointed out the A & A ; F connexion though arguably he might hold led cut downing architecture to the wall and roof by stressing merely the application of the development theory to these constructions. Harmonizing to Semper, thought of t he wall evolved from the sequence of spacial enclosures and the phases of the development were: crude screen or woven mat, so metal overlay and, finally, rugs, whose colorful images were applied to the surface of masonry edifice to arouse a sentiment of monumentality. Further, Semper developed his â€Å" Theory of Dressing † aimed two facets: foremost, to underscore the importance of the fabric industry in the beginnings of architecture and 2nd, Semper was concerned with the trouble involved in the artistic usage of Fe in monumental architecture. . Among them Viennese Architect Otto Wagner examined the relationship between architecture and manner both in theory and pattern. However, his modern-day, Adolf Loos is most known for his involvement in manner ( as taking Semper ‘s ideals further and implementing them ) and absolute rejection and compulsion with the decoration in the human organic structure and in edifices. It must be noted here that, while crudeness referred to simpleness and purism for Semper, nevertheless, Loos took it as barbarian universe ( for him Papuans citing Africa ) . He ( Loos ) stressed that the more ornament the human being utilizations ( such as tattoos and piercings ) the most likely he / she is to perpetrate offense. Architects such as Le Corbusier, Hermann Muthesius and Peter Behrens besides perceived the edifice as a nicely garmented organic structure and therefore appreciated Loos ‘ lessons on dressing and edifice. By making so, Modernism, peculiarly as expressed by Le Corbusier, aimed t o interrupt from the Utopian life by extinguishing the mediaeval inequalities of societal categories, destroy the differentiation between the streets and chevrons, through art, particularly architecture since architecture is the art of life. Among the manner interior decorators, Coco Chanel is best known for her manner in line with Loos ‘ thoughts ( this construct and relationship will be examined further in the following chapter of this survey ) , nevertheless, Loos ‘ chief significance for this survey is that He was the first among those who declared the manner and architecture relationship aggressively. Ever since Louis Sullivan called for called for â€Å" †¦ forbearing wholly from the usage of decoration for a period of old ages, in order that our idea might concentrate acutely upon the production of edifices good formed and comely in the nude † ( we might besides add Adolf Loos ‘ proposition to link decoration with offense and crudeness [ 10 ] ) boulder clay Moussavi ‘s work on the Function of Ornament and Domeise ‘s Re-Sampling Ornament exhibition, late decoration has been a soiled word in architectural circles for decennaries. In fact, decoration was associated with gender, chiefly muliebrity and gender by the Modern Architects and therefore it should hold been omitted and FORM is to FOLLOW FUNCTION. This functionalism, as Loos puts it, for Modernist architecture is that the house does non hold to state anything to the outside ; alternatively all its profusion must be manifest in the inside ( cited from Colomina: 1996, p 32 ) . Colomina farther dec lares that the exterior is merely the screen of the book, it is dressing, it is mask. However, inside it is a speculation between the infinite and the person. While manner is the graphical interlingual rendition of the single human organic structure while architecture is the non-verbal communicating between the infinite and the society. Manner as a Mask is satisfies our quest for individualism within the context of a society while architectural building is a tool for fulfilling the demand for insulating ourselves, it is the existent shelter. While manner performs uniformity in the society, architectural manifest garbages limitations. This disjuncture farther brings out the refusal of fashion-able as in Le Corbusier ‘s statement: What we wished to show in art was the Universal and Permanent and to throw to the Canis familiariss the Vacillating and the Fashionable. [ 11 ] However, with Chanel ‘s response to that functionalism, in her â€Å" small black frock † that can be a party frock with accoutrements, such as, a pearl necklace, and besides it functions as a twenty-four hours frock with a cardigan or worn obviously, it can be said that manner felt in the kingdom of architecture, or looking at Le Corbusier ‘s statement above, we can state that manner invaded architecture ‘s infinite. This sarcasm that on the one manus, while architectural thoughts tried to get away from the manner, manner interior decorators, such as, Chanel, Schiaparelli, and Dior adored architectural ‘ thoughts on functionalism and excluding decorations and applied architectural manners in their designs, on the other manus, while saying how ugly the feminine manner, designers did non maintain off from manner ‘s infinite. Art, trade, architecture, manner one for all The above thoughts summarize Bauhaus ( and, International Style, after the World War II and migration of Bauhaus members to other states, chiefly USA ) farther to make rational societies through rational design. Bauhaus was radical school of art, architecture and design established by the innovator modern designer Walter Gropius at Weimar in Germany in 1919 ( Tate Modern ) . It was a topographic point of acquisition and implementing where the boundary lines between art and scientific discipline and adult male and machine were eliminated. This design issue was non restricted to merely architecture, but included about all subdivisions of art and design, such as, planing mills, their catalogues and even letter papers, or planing houses and offices, their furniture, the pictures, etc. ( from the Manifesto of Bauhaus by Gropius ) . The thought is straightforward: in order to unify the existence, as creative persons we must unify our manners and International Style, could provide a model f or this. The rules are: down with frontiers, up with the grid, no curving lines, so that art will be corporate for the universal, and general grammar of the form would be geometry [ 12 ] . . The phase workshop was an interaction between all public presentation humanistic disciplines, i.e. , music, dance, theater. Led by Schlemmer ( an designer, pigment, interior decorator ) Bauhaus costumes were designed in order to show philosophical and compositional look of cardinal organic structure types: pure, clear, and clean. Costume, architecture, organic structure, and infinite were dynamic and inextricably linked for Schlemmer. â€Å" His individual topic was the human figure. He reduced to puppet-like, planar forms that were expressive of the human organic structure as a perfect system of proportions and maps correspondent to the machine age † ( Bauhaus Archive Webpage ) . Schlemmer ‘s costume designs were playful and riotous, and restrictive for the human organic structure that inhabited his costumes reflecting Schlemmers theory that human types were unreal buildings. The map of costume is to stress the individuality of the organic structure or to alter it. Costume expresses the organic structure ‘s nature or it intentionally misleads us sing it ( extracted from: History of Modern Drama, Emory University ) . The skectches of organic structure and costumes designed at Bauhaus will be farther explored and critised in the following chapter. Meantime, from the chronological point of position, the true beauty of the Bauhaus motion harmonizing to the writer, is that it ‘s pronouncement anounced by Ludwig Mies van der Rohe: less is more [ 13 ] The construct is simplicity and clarity lead to high-quality design. From the position of an designer, it is a working method in which aesthetic seeks to amaze in a simple manner and without unneeded elements. The infinites are adapted to an thought of life that is intended to be simple, the walls linear, the floors with smooth texture and as a whole the construction that allows captivation. The virtuousness is absence, absence of decoration, unneeded inside informations that will ensue more esthesis. Since fewer elements mean fewer possibilities, minimalist architecture is more hard to accomplish flawlessness. Thus it represents the aesthetics of the silence, the infinite of civilization. The infinite maps create a dry run with the head and isolates us from the exterior. Modernism and its rules as an architectural motion were good set, as emphasised in the pronouncements, manifests and patterns of the bookmans and interior decorators. However, two paradoxes could be observed here: one is that although its rules were good set and communicated, its deductions diverted from state to state ( chiefly be due to common and homes of those topographic points ) hence a uniformed design could non be implemented, 2nd, although the word ‘modern ‘ refers to modern-day, being modern-day, following the developments, etc. Modernist designers were more Utopian in their rules as the lone acceptable truth in design issues. Skin and Bones, that is architecture, no acerate leafs The undermentioned old ages, with Ludwig Mies van der Rohe ‘s revolution, the glass house, the rules of Modern architecture, i.e. functionalism, concreteness, transparence, cleanness and elation all came to life. His pronouncement â€Å" less is more † represented the thought of less structural frame with more infinite. Although the rules of modern architecture remained, Le Corbusier ‘s â€Å" White World † was to be exchanged to the â€Å" Crystal Line † of Mies, nevertheless, the chief thought remained the same: Purism at its bosom. Mies proposed his supreme stuff, as sheet glass which meant elation and transparence. However, Mies ‘ compulsion with his belief that the lone redemption of architecture existed in his glass architecture, led commercialisation, or in other words, inexpensive architecture, which will be discussed in the concluding chapter of this work. Though rules of Modernist Architecture were good determined, nevertheless, Robert Venturi, Denise Scott Brown and Steven Izenour in 1968, recognised in a trip to Las Vegas that marks and symbols had taken the topographic point of decoration which they justify as a sort of interruption from the modernist Architecture. In fact, Venturi suggested planing from outside to inside as opposed to the Modernist designers ‘ planing from inside to outside would be better. In his words, â€Å" signifier accommodates map † , by which they mean â€Å" architecture as a common loft is non interesting, surface is interesting, the ornamented surface, allow ‘s engage symbols, iconography, and decoration † . They province that the â€Å" heroic and original † ( Modern ) architecture that is non relevant any more since it did non talk with expressed symbols that most people could understand. They drew two sorts of architectural infinite: â€Å" the small edifice with lar ge mark ( decorated shed ) † and â€Å" edifice as mark ( duck ) † . On the other manus, when ocular pollution became an issue, Venturi Scott Brown stresses that they do non intend the value ( the form ) , but the thought ( iconography as decoration ) is of import. Venturi and Associates ‘ claims are really of import in footings of the circling thought of decoration and iconography in architecture which were omitted in Modernism. However, contrary to the old periods, particularly the classical manner, they say ordinary could be preferred over original. The concern of this work is non a sociological position, nevertheless, since A & A ; F in the modern-day epoch has developed from the sociological phenomenon, it must be noted here that Learning from Las Vegas teaches us â€Å" ( non ) larning from dad † both architecture and manner develop in a response to the shared values of the society, e.g. , political relations, scientific discipline, engineering, etc. In that sense, it could be said that what Venturi and his chaps observed in the Las Vegas Strip could be connected to post-World War II rise of the consumerism and pop art. Venturi ‘s call for marks and symbols as ornamentation was responded by pop art or vice-versa that 1960s and the subsequently decennary were dominated by it. The printed media, the easiness of bring forthing marks, the engineering to reproduce art ( including architectural design plant ) , mass production, consumerism, market consideration instead than inspiration, etc. all produced aggregate civilization. Art became an instant event instead than a advancement and all these were claimed as to be liberty, freedom, or interrupting utopia. sixtiess and 1970s were coined as the age of media by many bookmans, the age of media, mass production, fast ingestion, etc. which wholly led the globalization in the following decennary. Though we do non hold with Venturis ‘ thoughts today, which is the chief portion of our statement, architecture against the manner, specially, branding manner, Venturis ‘ work is really much of import for this survey: First, contrary to the Modernism ‘s purpose to edify the society- learning the metropolis ( and therefore society ) through ideals, doctrine, art instruction, and so on, Venturis manner was larning from the metropolis and milieus whether they represented edification or non. In their words, they preferred larning from the ordinary since it can take you to larn the extraordinary. Second, the mark ‘s going a picture besides means art ‘s being replaced by trade, and if we regard this as architecture in footings of urban infinite, we could so boldly province that feelings are replaced by reproduction since marks can be reproduced easy. Third, are hoardings as they claim to be about right, non the production of mass civilization? If architecture is reduced to hoardings, what will make full the spread between architecture and the life? no-one life in the rock age would cognize he [ sic ] was populating in the rock age. He would believe he was populating in the modern age. Today we believe we are populating in the modern age. Time will state [ 15 ] Yet Venturi ‘s statement is true in some senses, nevertheless, architecture as a contemplation of the societical issues, might besides be impermanent, since societies, excessively change quickly. Sing the changeless alterations in silhouettes of metropoliss, about in every period that the society is depressed ( as in the instance of London in the current fiscal crisis period ) , it can be said that in the modern-day epoch, architecture is besides impermanent. Venturi ( 1966 ) ( who coined the term â€Å" less is a dullard † ) was non the lone 1 who was bored by the less, the economic crises of the 1970s which led to 1980s liberalization besides caused the societal crises. Venturi suggested that edifices which attempted to be non-historical were someway non as rich or every bit interesting as those which gave a witting nod to, or borrowed from, the yesteryear. Similarly, Charles Jencks besides supported the thought that Modernist structures lacked the verve and diverseness which brings psyche to the urban landscape. He said that: Happily, we can day of the month the decease of modern architecture to a precise minute in clip†¦ .Modern Architecture died in St Louis, Missouri on July 15, 1972 at 3.32 p.m. ( or thereabouts ) when the ill-famed Pruitt-Igoe strategy, or instead several of its slab blocks, were given the concluding putsch de grace by dynamite As for the manner, this happily motion was celebrated with Mary Quintin ‘s mini skirts, fancy frocks, disco frocks, colorful frocks, which may be called the ‘total freedom ‘ or ‘complete pandemonium ‘ . Manner, excessively developed in the same mode: formality was abolished and insouciant dressing was promoted The really evident illustration of this fact is the so called Modss, who see Modernism as a life manner. Though occurred in the late sixties, Mod refers to Modernism, and can be taken as a reaction of the immature people against the complex life manners of the sixties. The ulterior decennary, 1970s characterised by societal conditions mentioned above, witnessed more colorful, but non needfully stylish or quality mentality was coined as â€Å" the decennary that gustatory sensation forgot † . The modern-day epoch, get downing from 1980s globalisation moving ridge will be the topic of the 3rd chapter of this survey and the catalogue. In short, Modernity has overcome Modernism as a consequence of mass civilization. Though manner followed architecture ( should we symbolize architecture by Las Vegas ‘ colorful marks and symbols ) , the after-Modernism period paralleled with the Modernism Era in footings of avoiding manner, as Robert Venturi, the most known opposition of Modernist Architecture provinces: Apparels are more delicate than edifices and their design can germinate more rapidly. Clothing is impermanent by its really nature, and architecture by its really nature, is every bit lasting as anything human can be in world. We change our apparels. but architecture is a environing invariable. In so far, from a chronological historical point of position, our literature study could be summarised as follows. The relationship between edifice and vesture started with the earliest adult male ‘s utilizing same stuffs for both sheltering and vesture himself. Harmonizing to the available earliest beginning Vitruvius ( around 25 BC ) the organic structure and architecture was studied in footings of proportion, therefore for a proper architecture human nonliteral ornamentation represented appropriateness. On the other manus, since perfect beauty is rare in nature, decoration was used as a interceding component between the natural and unreal. Initially, this decoration was whatever the God created ( Ruskin ) . However, the stylish cosmetic ‘excesses ‘ of the Rococo and in the medievalism of the Gothic created an architectural lack for a call to order ornamentation. The ornament argument has than continued till the Modernism Era. Gottfried Semper ‘s development theory farther explored the relationship between edifice and fabric in footings of wall stuff, and he so developed his theory of vesture since vesture was seen in close relationship with architecture. Semper ‘s theory was farther progressed by Adolf Loos, and other Modernists to exclude decoration and to manner the metropolis. Initially, for Modernists, manner represented muliebrity, architecture represented maleness and therefore architecture should hold kept off from manner, nevertheless, paradoxically, many Modern designers dealt with manner either by composing on it or by planing it. While architecture refused manner and stylish in the Modern Era, manner interior decorators adored their thoughts and implemented them. Gabriel ( Coco ) Chanel was the most celebrated manner interior decorator in that mode and she was besides celebrated with her esteem to Loos ‘ thoughts . In fact, from the above, we could state that Modernist designers did non get away from the manner ; so, they shaped the manner ( at least worked to make so ) . The following epoch has witnessed rapid alterations in media and mass production, therefore produced consumptionism and mass civilization. As a consequence, the order and edification that Modernism aimed to convey to the society was replaced with the thought of devouring the civilization, instead than bring forthing it. In that sense, architecture and manner developed correspondingly in the sixtiess and 70s. From the low study of this survey, to this point, no stopping point relationship between architecture and manner was observed. However, personally and as a bookman in architecture we observe a really close relationship between these two subjects. Therefore within the model given in the debut portion of this survey, following chapter aims to research these relationships and analyze the results.SemioticssSince manner and architecture are contemplation of the civilization and individuality, the development degree of the societies would surely impact the design constructs and possibilities. In a manner of showcasing the individuality of an person, both profession portion the thought: The human organic structure and on thoughts of infinite, volume, and motion † and every bit good because both are a bed that communicates between the environment and organic structure with the ability to convey individuality on the personal, political, cultural and other degrees within life and society. From the position of sociology, manner, or in a broader pregnant adult females ‘s dressing can be looked as a ocular representation of their aesthetic gustatory sensation while with a few exclusions, such as Le Corbusier ‘s Le Modulor, early twentieth-century modernists ignored ocular mentions to the organic structure ; alternatively, they focused on the actions of the organic structure. The higher intersection between Architecture and Fashion was observed after the Modern Era, or better termed as the â€Å" Late Modern † . While the earlier periods depended on drawings and illustrations, Modern Era has witnessed several developments in imagination, such as, picture taking, cinematography, and telecasting. The great promise of picture taking was that it would state the ‘truth ‘ . Yet the ‘truth ‘ of picture taking is merely a more convincing semblance, choice and ruse lurking behind the looking nonpartisanship of the mechanical oculus. Fashion drawings frequently give more accurate information, yet it is the photographic image that has captured the feel of modern apparels, and in so making influenced them.

The Ante-Bellum Background The WritePass Journal

The Ante-Bellum Background The Ante-Bellum Background IntroductionThe Early Reconstruction EraChapter oneThe Foundations of African-American EducationIndependent African-American SchoolhousesChapter TwoChapter ThreeConclusionRelated Introduction Prior to the American Civil War, 1861-1865, a system of state education did not exist in the Confederate South. Taxation to subsidise public schooling had not yet been introduced and education remained localised to affluent white communities.  Within Georgia, as throughout the South, schools were privately organised and sustained.  In 1858, however, Governor Brown secured the passage of law to establish a common school system in Georgia, which intended to provide tuition for every white child in the state.  This law was never enacted and instead collapsed with the defeat of the Confederacy. Nevertheless, Brown’s proposed legislation remains significant for its characterisation of contemporary Southern white attitudes; black education held no interest to the state. In a society structured upon African-American slavery, this is unsurprising. Indeed, state legislation prohibited the instruction of African-Americans throughout the South, and Georgia was no exception.  In 1833, a Georgia law secured the punishment of any person, by fine or imprisonment, discovered to be teaching any ‘slave, negro or free person of colour. Despite these proscriptions, the enslaved and free African-American community alike yearned for knowledge; a craving that strengthened during the post-bellum Reconstruction period.  This desire was not only motivated by the importance of education to racial progress, but also the realisation that knowledge equated to power.  African-Americans anticipated that attaining an education meant ‘seizing a weapon’  which could challenge the established racial hierarchy. Education symbolised equality. The Early Reconstruction Era In December 1864, Georgia surrendered to the Union. Defeat secured freedom for the formerly enslaved and likewise liberated African-Americans from restrictive legislation preventing their instruction. The emancipation of Georgia’s slaves was subsequently reinforced by the Thirteenth Amendment, 1865, formally abolishing the institution of servitude throughout the South.  In the Reconstruction period, however, African-Americans in Georgia, and the South as a whole, were confronted with crisis regarding their desire for education. The black community lacked existing formal schooling and racial prejudice prevented African-Americans attending the educational institutions of white society. Moreover, war destroyed the Southern landscape and Georgia itself was ‘exhausted and clubbed to her knees.’  Ã‚  The destruction of both towns and plantations resulted in widespread poverty. This economic hardship was intensified among the newly emancipated population, who, with a lack of state support, were forced to fend for themselves. Nevertheless, despite this destitution, African-American schooling encompassed Georgia within a year of surrender, a trend representative of the entire South. Previous historiography has adopted varying approaches to this movement, attributing its emergence to differing factors. Of particular interest to historians preceding the 1980s was the role of Northern whites: the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen and Abandoned Lands (the Freedmen’s Bureau) and Northern benevolent associations.  Peirce, for example, argues the Freedmen’s Bureau ‘inaugurated the system of [black] instruction’  by providing an infrastructure to coordinate the efforts of philanthropic associations and monetary contributions. Furthermore, previous scholarship emphasises the role of the Bureau in conjunction with benevolent associations, asserting black education was a ‘cooperative venture.’  Similarly to the Bureau, Northern aid societies donated material aid and, additionally, transported qualified teachers to the South. With reference to Georgia, Thompson argues African-American education originated from, and was maintained by, the combined resources which Northern whites were able to accumulate. Fundamentally, ‘the education of negroes was left to the Freedmen’s Bureau and Northern philanthropy.’ Implicit within both these perspectives is the assumption that education was bestowed upon African-Americans, who displayed little initiative towards their own schooling. Indeed, Bentley’s A History of the Freedmen’s Bureau (1955) judged the freedpeople’s response as ‘piteous.’  Primary evidence, however, contradicts this scholarship. Various sources suggest black communities provided valuable support to the educational movement; financial donations, despite poverty, are regularly recorded.  Numerous scholars pre-dating the 1980s were therefore consciously selective in their use of evidence by devaluing, or dismissing, the role of African-Americans, preferring to emphasise the role of Northern whites. This perspective can be ascribed to contextual influences. In the late-1960s and early-1970s, the Civil Rights Movement gained momentum in America. Arguably, this changing social history may have subconsciously impacted upon written history; racial prejudice perhaps obscured personal judgement. Developing this conservative approach, historians of the 1980s and early-1990s recognise the educational movement involved, to an extent, African-Americans themselves. Whilst scholarship of this decade likewise attributes the emergence of black education to Northern whites, it also acknowledges African-Americans ‘seized opportunities offered’  to them and made important contributions of their own. Holt argues freedpeople of North Carolina exploited the household economy to assist the maintenance of schoolhouses erected by the Bureau.  Similarly, Cimbala emphasises the significance of African-American financial contributions within Georgia; a necessity to supplement Northern funds.  Furthermore, Butchart notes that as Northern financial assistance dwindled in 1869 due to lack of funds, African-Americans throughout the South adopted the dual responsibility of financing and operating schools. Whilst these scholars appreciate African-American education was a joint enterprise, whereby the black community worked in co-operation with Northern whites, only recent research suggests the educational movement originated from ‘black impetus.’  Modern scholarship has gradually credited the inauguration of African-American education to the African-American community. This conclusion has been applied in particular to Maryland and South Carolina, both of which have been utilised as case-studies generalising the broader movement of the South. Convincingly, Jenkins argues African-Americans of South Carolina educated themselves during the early Reconstruction period; a self-sufficient movement which continued their concealed efforts during the era of slavery.  Similarly, Fuke concludes African-American schooling in Maryland derived from the grassroots of the African-American community. Consequently, Northern whites operated as catalysts within an educational movement crea ted by black society; the Bureau facilitated the ‘expansion’  of black schooling through the creation of additional schoolhouses and Northern philanthropists enhanced the quality of tuition. This dissertation intends to ascertain how far these arguments can be applied to Georgia, assessing whether the conclusions determined by Jenkins and Fuke correspond with the experiences of other Southern states. Each chapter will address the educational contributions of a specific group: African-Americans, the Freedmen’s Bureau and Northern benevolent associations. Within this structure, rural areas will be compared to their urban counterparts, primarily the city of Savannah. Accordingly, this will enable me to determine to what extent African-American education derived from black impetus throughout differing areas of Georgia. In establishing how far formal African-American schooling was motivated by the black community in Reconstruction Georgia, educational archives of the Bureau will provide a primary body of evidence. These records, dating from 1865-1870, consist of statistical data and school reports compiled by the Bureau, as well as letters received and sent by the agency. For Georgia, there are 15 microfilm rolls of correspondence, each containing 200-300 items. Moreover, a further 12 rolls comprise of accounting records and school reports composed by teachers and Bureau agents. To gain a sense of contemporary proceedings from such a vast source, I sampled approximately five letters and school reports per month from Savannah and varying rural counties of the state. Whereas archives of the Bureau are easily attainable, records of benevolent associations are comparatively limited. Documentation of the American Missionary Association (AMA) is stored within America, and the restricted material available online does not relate to Georgia. Consequently, the dissertation will instead utilise letters received by the Bureau from the AMA, alongside primary references within secondary material. Chapter one African-American Schooling in the Early Reconstruction Period: 1865-1870 Despite impoverishment confronting Georgia after defeat in the Civil War, formal African-American schooling encompassed the state during the early Reconstruction period. By January 1870, 194 African-American schools regularly reported to the Bureau, and a further 105 schoolhouses were believed to exist.  These schools served over 8,000 pupils throughout Georgia.  Traditional historiography attributes the inauguration of this educational movement to the Freedmen’s Bureau and Northern philanthropic organisations. Indeed, Northern white intervention commenced relatively early following Georgia’s surrender. Whilst the original Freedmen’s Bureau Act, March 1865, did not contain provisions for African-American education (Congress failed to appropriate finance for this purpose until July 1866), informal Bureau activity within Georgia began in the winter of 1865.  However, devoid of Congressional support, Georgia’s officials lacked monetary reserves and were restricted to exploiting their limited resources; abandoned property under Bureau control.  Nevertheless, the Bureau capitalised on the supplies it did possess and its earliest contribution can be dated to mid-November, 1865, when Davis Tillson, the state’s second assistant commissioner, authorised derelict buildings in Savannah to be utilised as African-American schools. Similarly, philanthropic associations instigated their benevolence within Georgia in the latter months of 1865. The AMA initially transported qualified Northern teachers to the state in , and NEFAS dispatched its first instructors in November.  By December 1865, these aid societies had established African-American schoolhouses in Savannah, Augusta, Atlanta, and Columbus. However, whilst Northern white activities commenced promptly in Reconstruction Georgia, the origins of formal African-American schooling cannot be attributed to these efforts, as previous scholarship suggests.  Arguably, African-American education derived from the grassroots of black society. In the summer of 1865, months following Georgia’s defeat, and months prior to Northern white intervention, Alvord embarked upon an exploration of the South. Concluding this tour, Alvord estimated 79 black schoolhouses were already established in Georgia, illustrating that African-American schooling was inaugurated independently.  This development accords with the conclusions determined by Jenkins and Fuke. The Foundations of African-American Education The origins of African-American education in post-bellum Georgia, then, can be attributed to black society. The foundations of this movement derive, ironically, from the era preceding the Civil War. Despite legislation prohibiting instruction of African-Americans, a considerable number had acquired a clandestine education. Subsequent to Confederate defeat, members of Georgia’s black community who already possessed understanding of reading and writing became educators of the race.  Accordingly, the introduction of formal African-American schooling in Reconstruction Georgia was, as argued by Jenkins for South Carolina, a ‘continuation of the†¦efforts under slavery.’ In spite of restrictive legislation, many African-Americans in Georgia obtained literary skills before 1860. This learning process occurred, however, primarily within urban areas, whereby a more diverse environment than rural districts allowed differing opportunities to acquire education. Surprisingly, in a society characterised by white superiority, some slaves were instructed by their masters or his family. Regardless of potential prosecution, Savannah whites, on occasion, dismissed state laws forbidding the tuition of African-Americans. Domestic slaves, in particular, benefitted from this compassion. ‘Uncle Reuben’ of Savannah, owned by a master possessing few slaves, was rewarded for his loyalty and educated by the family. However, the majority concealed their learning from white society, instead attaining tuition surreptitiously from fellow African-Americans. As black ministers were literate, churches within pre-bellum Savannah were employed as secret institutions of education.  Consequently, Sundays proved a significant day for black tuition; whilst white society attended white churches, slaves with travel-passes, alongside their free counterparts, exploited African-American churches where, in addition to religious instruction, ministers often bestowed the rudiments of literacy.  Reverend J. Simms, for example, a former slave who purchased freedom, educated African-Americans, slave and free alike, within his Savannah church until 1861. Furthermore, free African-Americans of Savannah likewise obtained a clandestine education within a secular context, further disregarding state prohibitions. Unlike the urban enslaved, fettered by servitude, free African-Americans attended black schoolhouses operating covertly throughout the city. Mrs Deveaux, a free African-American, secretly taught from 1830 until the end of the Civil War.  This institution remained invisible to white society, successfully educating members of Savannah’s black community. Similarly, Susie King Taylor provides evidence of such surreptitious tuition. Unlike most slaves, Taylor, aged seven, was granted freedom by her master and subsequently lived with her free Grandmother in Savannah.  Consequently, Susie acquired an education. Each day, Taylor attended a secret school organised within the home of Mrs Woodhouse, a free African-American.  To avoid arousing suspicion within the white community, Taylor’s schoolbooks were disguised and Mrs Woodhouse’s 25 pupils each entered and departed the property individually.  Within two years, Mrs Woodhouse had taught Taylor ‘all she knew.’ Moreover, Lucy and Sarah Chase, white NEFAS educators transported to Savannah, December 1865, support the existence of covert schoolhouses in their account published in the Worcester Evening Gazette; ‘[they] would have schools, under the old regime†¦in spite of the laws.’  Specifically, the Chase sisters describe a free African-American male who operated a pre-bellum ‘secret school’  in his Savannah residence. Following this tutoring, pupils frequently continued their studies at home, concealing their activities from white society. Evidence therefore suggests a number of African-Americans in Savannah acquired understanding of reading and writing prior to the Civil War, undermining legislation intended to prohibit such academic advancement. Contrastingly, opportunities for clandestine instruction in rural Georgia were limited; tense race relations and the isolated nature of the environment resulted in fewer means to obtain education. Under slavery, cotton cultivation dominated rural Georgia and the economic livelihood of whites depended upon African-American labour.  Consequently, race relations were strained. Planters perceived African-Americans in terms of their property value and financial concerns ‘superseded the consideration of slaves.’  Thus, masters refused to instruct slaves for fear the educated worker could destabilise the established hierarchy, resulting in slave rebellion and economic loss.  J.H. Dent, a slaveholder in Northern rural Georgia, commented ‘one great error is to†¦enlighten the Negro. In doing so, you†¦arouse his suspicions.’  Accordingly, few slaves, if any, acquired education from their master. George Womble, a former slave of Clinton, Georgia, emphasises this difficulty in achieving literacy, recalling the enslaved on his plantation were ‘never given the chance to learn to read or write.’ Furthermore, whereas churches provided alternative sources of education for urban slaves, they remained wholly religious to rural slaves. Whilst given opportunities to attend sermons by their masters, the rural enslaved were largely preached to by white ministers.  According to James Bolton, a slave of Oglethorpe County, ‘they weren’t no church for niggers on our plantation†¦we went to the white folkses church and listened to white preachers.’  Likewise, Womble was required to attend his master’s church, receiving the Sunday service of a white minister. Occasionally, however, white churches permitted rural slaves to be ministered by African-American preachers.  Nevertheless, such sermons remained subject to white supervision, preventing the surreptitious schooling which occurred within urban black churches. Plantation slave William Ward commented the local black pastor was overseen by his master, with the sermon ‘always built according to the master’s instructions†¦reminding slaves they†¦must lead a life of loyal servitude.’  Consequently, as slaves were addressed by white ministers, or by black preachers under the direction of their masters, churches within rural Georgia rarely provided slaves with academic education. Nevertheless, despite evident efforts of plantation owners to keep slaves uneducated, African-Americans sometimes exploited younger members of their master’s family.  The account of Womble refers to the neighbouring plantation where slave boys transported books of the master’s children to and from school, simultaneously receiving instruction upon how to write.  Thus, despite prohibitive legislation and the resolve of white society, some slaves, albeit the fortunate minority, acquired a degree of literacy in rural ante-bellum Georgia. Similarly, free rural African-Americans struggled to obtain the rudiments of literacy; evidence of covert instruction within private residences is rare. This lack of evidence can be attributed to the lower free black population in rural regions. As illustrated by Table 1, the number of free blacks in Chatham County, where Savannah is located, was significantly higher than rural counties preceding the Civil War.  Consequently, free African-Americans were more sporadic in the countryside, resulting in fewer literate individuals from whom fellow African-Americans could acquire tuition. Nevertheless, one cannot dismiss such secret instruction occurred. Furthermore, little evidence suggests clandestine schooling occurred within rural black churches of Georgia. Owing to their dispersed population, free rural blacks were unable to create a strong community and, consequentially, only a ‘handful’  of African-American churches were erected in each rural county; in Dougherty County, a single black church existed.  Whilst these institutions were ministered by black preachers, only some were independent of white society. Frances Kemble, a Northern white traveller, reported, although free African-Americans possessed their own Baptist church in Darien, ‘a gentleman officiated in it (of course, white).’  Accordingly, white supervision prevented such churches being utilised as secret schoolhouses. However, in those African-American churches which, similarly to their urban counterparts, remained autonomous, one can speculate black ministers served as academic teachers. Indeed, surreptitious instruction in rural Georgia must have occurred; Russel Noah, a free African-American of Madison, as later explained, developed literary skills in the pre-bellum era and became a teacher in the Reconstruction period.  However, due to the sporadic locations of independent churches, such clandestine tuition could only have benefitted a minority of each rural county’s free black population. Thus, compared to Savannah, it was challenging for rural African-Americans, both slave and free alike, to acquire the rudiments of literacy in pre-bellum Georgia, though privileged individuals did. When examining the state in its entirety, evidence illustrates that, despite regional variations, numerous African-Americans possessed basic literary skills prior to the Civil War; an existing approximation suggests five percent of slaves and two-thirds of Georgia’s free African-American population were literate by 1860.  African-Americans actively pursued their aspiration for education by diverse and resourceful methods. This self-motivated movement commenced in both urban and rural regions, albeit with more success in the former, decades before the involvement of Northern whites in the state. Accordingly, the African-American response to their desire for knowledge can hardly be described as piteous, as previous historiography suggests. Independent African-American Schoolhouses These determined endeavours in ante-bellum Georgia were not a prologue to the Reconstruction period; they were ‘formative and foundational,’  providing the basis for formal black schooling. By utilising the academic knowledge obtained before the Civil War, African-Americans independently established schoolhouses immediately following Confederate defeat, December 1864. This movement occurred months before Northern white intervention in Georgia, as previously illustrated by Alvord’s report.  Those literate individuals at the time of Georgia’s surrender became the first educators of the race and, to facilitate this tuition, the black community, despite poverty, organised numerous schoolhouses. This movement transpired especially within Savannah, whereby African-Americans betook to education with ‘speed and energy.’  Devoid of funding to purchase or rent structures specifically for black schooling, African-Americans instead capitalised upon limited resources in their possession. Similarly to pre-bellum clandestine instruction, private residences provided accomodation in which tuition could occur at little cost. In September 1865, Susie King Taylor, who was educated in such a covert manner as a child, opened a school within her Savannah home.  Each month Taylor received $1 from every pupil. These payments, although low, proved sufficient to fund the day to day management of the school and supplied Susie with a small salary.  Furthermore, according to Taylor, several schools were already in operation throughout Savannah within residences of fellow African-Americans, including one ran by Mrs Jackson upon the same street as Susie’s own schoolhouse.   In the absence of many alternatives, African-Americans sacrificed their homes for the purpose of educating others. Moreover, African-Americans of Savannah exploited the one aspect of community life in which they enjoyed full control; the church. Central institutions prior to the Civil War, African-American churches possessed greater importance in the Reconstruction period, facilitating further schools in the city. Earliest letters received by the Bureau in 1865 indicate African-American schooling commonly occurred in church property owned by African-American Baptists. In July 1865, just seven months following Georgia’s surrender, former slave Maria Jones organised a school within a black Baptist church, educating 27 fellow freedpeople.  To sustain this tuition, Jones depended upon $1 a month per scholar. Whilst the total was not always supplied, pupils consistently donated what they could afford. The examples above were organised and sustained independently by the grassroots of Savannah’s African-American community, despite impoverishment. This self-reliance is epitomised by the Savannah Education Association (SEA), a black organisation founded by church leaders. Under the auspices of the SEA, two schoolhouses were established in Savannah during January 1865; one located at Oglethorpe and the other, symbolically, in the former Bryan Slave Mart.  These schools, taught by 16 African-American teachers, were ‘supported by the association.’  To supplement SEA funding, the black community donated $1000 following the schoolhouses’ establishment.  Furthermore, while pupils were not required to pay tuition fees, they chose to finance the salaries of the staff; voluntary contributions which remained ‘enough to supply the needed fund.’  Accordingly, the schools were wholly self-sufficient, educating over 700 African-Americans prior to Nort hern white intervention. Similarly, rural African-Americans organised formal schooling before the involvement of Northern whites in Georgia. However, this process did not occur as rapidly or extensively when compared to Savannah; whereas 27 independent black schoolhouses operated in Savannah by November 1865, just 1 existed in Oglethorpe County.  With fewer opportunities to acquire literary skills in the pre-bellum countryside, fewer individuals could become teachers in the Reconstruction period. In many rural counties, ministers comprised the majority of the literate black population.  Furthermore, rural African-Americans were consumed with poverty and, similarly to their urban counterparts, could only exploit resources already in their possession. Consequently, African-American churches facilitated the earliest black schooling in rural Georgia.  However, as only a handful existed in each rural county, black schoolhouses remained low in number prior to Northern white support. Nevertheless, schools were established and sustained independently. In Marietta, Cobb County, August 1865, Reverend Eeli accommodated a school within his church, educating 95 freedpeople.  To ensure continuance of this instruction, each pupil, when able, donated â‚ ¡50 per month.  Similarly, Russel Noah of Madison, Morgan County, learned to read and write as a free African-American in the ante-bellum period. Whilst Noah had ‘never taught school before,’  he began teaching in September 1865, utilising a church in Madison as a schoolhouse. Likewise, Noah’s pupils donated a small sum to maintain this tuition.  Moreover, Reverend Caldwell operated a night school in his church at La Grange, commencing in September 1865.  Whilst black schoolhouses in rural Georgia were by no means common before measures of Northern whites, those which did exist were organised and maintained by the black community. Evidence therefore illustrates, in both rural and urban Georgia, African-Americans independently inaugurated formal black schooling during the early Reconstruction period, prior to Northern white intervention. This education was impelled by local black impetus and was a continuation of the clandestine efforts preceding the Civil War. Despite legislation prohibiting instruction of African-Americans, several members of Georgia’s black community successfully pursued their desire for education. Developing these pre-bellum foundations, literate African-Americans became teachera in the post-bellum era and numerous schoolhouses were self-sufficiently organised to facilitate such tuition. Accordingly, African-American education was not ‘left to the Freedmen’s Bureau and Northern philanthropy’  as previous scholarship has argued. Indeed, as acknowledged by Alvord, Georgia’s African-Americans had already made ‘commendable efforts to educate themselves and their children’  in the summer of 1865. This educational movement in Georgia accords with the conclusions determined by Jenkins and Fuke for the states of South Carolina and Maryland, both of which argue African-American schooling derived from the grassroots of black society.  However, Jenkins and Fuke further assert rural African-Americans were more highly motivated than their urban counterparts in establishing schoolhouses.  Jenkins maintains rural African-Americans perceived themselves as less sophisticated than their urban contemporaries and thus pursued education ‘more diligently.’  Moreover, Fuke claims rural African-Americans were more enthused due to pride; blacks desired to seek as much control over daily life as possible. Conversely, the opposite occurred in Georgia. Within Savannah, African-Americans organised schoolhouses more rapidly and extensively than in rural areas of the state. This discrepancy can be explained by ante-bellum trends. Whilst rural African-Americans in Georgia, likewise to their peers in Maryland and South Carolina, perhaps considered themselves less sophisticated than urban black society and yearned to establish schooling out of pride, one fact remains: there were fewer opportunities to acquire clandestine education in the pre-bellum countryside. Accordingly, fewer literate individuals could be utilised as teachers in the early Reconstruction period. Consequently, it is logical that African-American schools were more sporadic and slower to develop in rural areas of Georgia. Chapter Two The Freedmen’s Bureau In Maryland, Fuke concluded the Freedmen’s Bureau was a catalyst for the ‘expansion’  of education owing to the provision of schoolhouses throughout the state.  Furthermore, he judged that whilst this growth ‘depended heavily on the support of the Bureau†¦it drew equally from the hard work of the black community.’  Ã‚  These arguments are likewise applicable to Georgia, with one exception. Whereas Fuke generalises his claims to the entirety of Maryland, evidence illustrates his conclusions are more relevant to urban, in comparison to rural, Georgia. In accordance with Fuke’s argument, the Bureau developed the existing foundations of African-American schooling in Georgia, serving as an accelerant to the educational movement formed by black society.  Likewise to Maryland, the Bureau enabled the growth of African-American education through the creation of additional schools; advancement impoverished African-Americans could not achieve independently. However, as argued by Fuke, this role of the Bureau, although significant, was only one influence within a process which combined the efforts of the agency and the African-American community of Georgia. As established, African-Americans in Reconstruction Georgia actively inaugurated their own schooling prior to Northern white intervention. However, this tuition was only available to a minority of the black population, especially within rural counties, and poverty hindered the ability of the community to further expand such schooling. Following the Civil War, devastation encompassed the state; ‘destitution and hunger were the kissing cousins of defeat.’  W. Gannett, a NEFAS representative touring Savannah, April 1865, reported ‘there is little money in the city, in black hands or white.’  Similarly, Miss Banfield, a Northern teacher, described Savannah’s African-American community in November, 1865, as ‘very poor.’ Likewise, within rural Georgia, impoverishment was ubiquitous and often more intensified than urban regions. Plantations were destroyed during conflict and starvation caused widespread distress.  Mr Townsler, a freedman of Griffin, informed the Bureau, in September 1865, the local black community was ‘poor’ and ‘destitute of all conveniences and comforts necessary.’  Accordingly, African-Americans within early Reconstruction Georgia lived at a level of subsistence. Consequently, although the black community organised schoolhouses throughout the state prior to Northern white measures, these institutions often struggled to be maintained. In November 1865, Maria Jones, who previously opened a Savannah school, July 1865, feared it would be impossible to teach the following month as the children were ‘too poor to pay for their tuition.’  Similarly, in a church schoolhouse of rural Athens, there was a ‘general disposition among the colored people to educate their children,’ but ‘very few’ could afford tuition payments.  Thus, by November 1865, the future of Mr Schevenelle’s school, established just four months earlier, appeared bleak. As African-Americans were unable to sustain independently established schoolhouses, it was unfeasible for them to self-sufficiently expand the foundations of black education. Consequentially, whilst the black community inaugurated formal African-American schooling in Reconstruction Georgia, its growth can be attributed to the Freedmen’s Bureau. The original Freedmen’s Bureau Act, March 1865, contained no provisions for African-American education.  During the initial year of the agency’s existence, Congress failed to appropriate financial support for black tuition and the Bureau’s educational powers remained limited. Nevertheless, informal activity commenced within Georgia in the winter of 1865; abandoned buildings were authorised as schoolhouses for the African-American community.  In Savannah, November 1865, Tillson secured property previously utilised by Union forces as black schools.  However, as derelict buildings were located predominantly in cities, original benevolence of the Bureau was restricted to urban Georgia. Nonetheless, in the later months of 1865, the agency was already enhancing African-American education where black communities could not, providing accommodation in which further tuition could occur. The Bureau’s educational activities became more effective in July 1866 when, in response to increasing demands for federal provisions specific to African-American education, Congress secured $500,000 for repairing and leasing black schoolhouses throughout the South; an act interpreted loosely by the agency to establish more schools.  Furthermore, this statute allowed the Bureau to seize former Confederate property to facilitate black schooling.  Similarly, in March 1867, Congress donated an additional $500,000 to the Bureau for the purpose of African-American education.  These appropriations proved crucial to the development of African-American schooling in post-bellum Georgia, and the South as a whole. From July 1866 to July 1870, the Georgia Bureau utilised these Congressional enactments to assist the establishment of black schoolhouses throughout the state; a process which occurred in Maryland also. Within this four year period, approximately 105 buildings, some of which were previously owned by the Confederacy, were rented by the Bureau and donated to Georgia’s African-American community specifically to provide surroundings for black education.  Furthermore, by July 1870, the Bureau had financed, in part, the construction of over 50 schoolhouses, including Beach Institute at Savannah, expending over $110,000. Consequently, the Bureau’s material and monetary contributions created an additional 150 African-American schools in Georgia. Thus, in accordance with Fuke’s conclusions, the Bureau facilitated the expansion of African-American schooling, acting as an accelerant to the educational movement already established by the black community of the state.  As a ‘booster of black schooling,’  the Bureau augmented the local efforts of African-Americans into a large-scale movement. However, whilst Fuke’s argument applies to Georgia when generalising the educational movement in the state as a whole, evidence suggests Bureau activities occurred more enthusiastically within urban regions; a distinction not emphasised by Fuke. Reporting on the progress of African-American education for the year of 1866, Alvord noted there were approximately 100 rural counties in Georgia whereby black schoolhouses were yet to be established.  Similarly, in July 1868, Alvord commented the educational aid of the Bureau was concentrated ‘at the centre,’  Ã‚  in towns, as opposed to being ‘distributed throughout the entire state.’ Thus, the Bureau had not ‘spread a thin blanket of education as widely as possible’  in Georgia, as Fuke implies for Maryland. It instead focused its attention upon urban cities, ironically where aid was less needed. This variation can be explained by the differing measures adopted by Bureau agents in each state. In Maryland, the Bureau’s primary aid for African-American education was to provide lumber for the construction of schoolhouses, 60 of which had been established by mid-1866; more than the total constructed by the Georgia Bureau between 1866 and 1870.  Consequently, such donations could be distributed in rural and urban areas, and the Bureau’s benevolence was received throughout the state.  Contrastingly, in Georgia, the Bureau preferred to rent existing structures for the purpose of black education. As properties suitable for this function were primarily located within urban areas, the Bureau’s educational measures were restricted to cities. Moreover, Bureau efforts may have been confined to urban Georgia due to practicality. Owing to post-war migration, the African-American population was concentrated within five primary cities: Savannah, Atlanta, Augusta, Columbus and Macon.  Concentrating work in such regions maximised the Bureau’s efficiency. Aid could be limited to certain areas whilst benefitting a significant proportion of Georgia’s African-American community. Nevertheless, whilst Bureau measures failed to reach the remotest counties of Georgia, and black schools remained relatively sparse in these regions, the agency significantly developed African-American education when examining the state as a whole. Impoverishment would have prevented black society from independently establishing the further 150 schoolhouses organised by the Bureau. Despite the restricted location of its activities, the Bureau proved to be a valuable catalyst in the growth of African-American schooling within Georgia. However, according with Fuke’s conclusion for Maryland, although the Bureau expanded African-American education in Georgia, Bureau schools were not endowments passively bestowed upon African-Americans; they were joint enterprises. Indeed, impetus in the establishment of such schoolhouses still often derived from African-Americans themselves. Whilst the Bureau’s financial donations, as previously stated, allowed the construction of approximately 50 black schoolhouses within the state, the initial foundations of these schools were nonetheless created by black society. The act of Congress dating to July 1866 (providing $500,000 for the leasing and repairing of black schools throughout the South), although interpreted by the Bureau to allow the construction of new schoolhouses, meant that African-Americans were required to contribute towards the establishment of such institutions. If Georgia’s African-American community could finance and raise the framework of a schoolhouse, the Bureau would ‘repair’ the structure and subsidise its remaining construction.  Accordingly, Bureau money ensured the assembling of schoolhouses. However, it was African-American motivation which prompted them. Similarly, whilst the additional $500,000 appropriated by Congress, March 1867, was non-specific as to its use, and could potentially be utilised to wholly finance the construction of new schools, the Georgia Bureau refused to employ funding in this way. Georgia’s officials continued only to pledge monetary support to those who displayed initiative towards education.  Thus, throughout 1867, J.R. Lewis, the Georgia Bureau’s Superintendent of Education, authorised financial donations towards the erection of black schoolhouses only if African-Americans had paid for the landsite and had made ‘progress’  in its construction.  Again, while Bureau funding allowed the creation of these schools, their impetus still derived from African-Americans themselves. Fundamentally, the Bureau simply provided subsidy for the completion of a process already commenced by the African-American community. This role of the agency can be perceived as a microcosm of the wider educational context in Georgia; the Freedmen’s Bureau developed the existing foundations of African-American education, serving as a catalyst within a movement formed by black society. Furthermore, African-American schools within premises rented by the Bureau were likewise cooperative institutions in which the agency and Georgia’s black community contributed. As the Bureau provided financial support for leasing properties, African-Americans desired to do ‘all they possibly can to help themselves’  regarding maintenance of the schools; a challenge which, according to Alvord, was met with ‘enthusiasm.’  Despite impoverishment, African-Americans were ‘willing to pay’  for the secondary expenses of Bureau schools and ‘liberally’  donated money for the purchase of school equipment, as well as building repairs. Moreover, as the Georgia Bureau’s finances dwindled, the responsibility of subsidising Bureau schools fell increasingly to African-Americans themselves.  As early as August 1867, the Bureau reported a lack of monetary reserves, stating ‘the small fund of last year has been exhausted†¦.funds are very limited indeed.’  Consequently, in order to continue black tuition in such schoolhouses, Lewis informed teachers they must ‘rely on the colored people’  to provide money for rent. In response, the black community ‘contributed more than ever before, though struggling with debts,’  and henceforth assumed a ‘large share’  of the cost. In the six months from January to July, 1869, African-Americans expended approximately $20,000 renting school property. By July 1870, the Bureau ceased its educational work throughout the South for want of funds, leaving African-Americans in Bureau schools to manage them self-sufficiently . Thus, although African-Americans could not afford to rent property in the initial years of Reconstruction and required the Bureau’s financial support to expand black schooling, such benevolence was not accepted passively. Despite impoverishment, African-Americans contributed money, demonstrating commitment towards education. Indeed, as Bureau funds declined, the black community accepted more of the financial burden to sustain their schools. Consequently, African-American education within Georgia was not merely ‘left to the Freedmen’s Bureau’  even after its inauguration. Accordingly, as argued by Fuke for Maryland, the Bureau was vital to the growth of black education in Georgia. The agency advanced schooling where African-Americans themselves were unable to, providing a further 150 schoolhouses throughout the state. Without this aid, African-American schooling would have been more sporadic than it already was.  Thus, likewise to its role in Maryland, the Bureau enhanced the existing foundations of African-American education, serving as a catalyst to a movement inaugurated by the black community; a process which occurred, however, more intensely within urban Georgia. Nonetheless, in accordance with Fuke’s conclusion, to attribute all praise to the Freedmen’s Bureau, as previous scholarship has chosen to, denies the altruistic and self-sacrificing efforts of the black community towards their education. Although the Bureau expanded African-American schooling, Georgia’s black population did not adopt a passive position in this development. Bureau schools were joint institutions. Indeed, the impetus for such schoolhouses often derived from African-Americans themselves and, once established, the black community willingly contributed funds to sustain their tuition. Chapter Three Northern Benevolent Associations Previous scholarship concerning Reconstruction Georgia argues that, in conjunction with the Freedmen’s Bureau, Northern Benevolent Associations were ‘entirely responsible’  for establishing African-American education.  Yet this conclusion does not take into consideration the foundations created by African-Americans themselves. Contrastingly, for the state of Maryland, Fuke has demonstrated that, as African-American schooling derived from the grassroots of black society, Northern whites instead served as facilitators to African-American education; the Bureau expanded black schooling and Northern Benevolence enhanced the standard of teaching available to the African-American community. Likewise to his conclusion of the Bureau’s role, Fuke’s argument regarding Northern aid societies is applicable to this case-study of Georgia. Whilst African-American education was inaugurated by the black community, and supported by the Bureau, there were limits to what African-American teachers, who were devoid of formal schooling preceding the Civil War, could achieve independently.  Although many acquired a degree of literacy in the pre-bellum era, their understanding was frequently basic and, consequently, inaccurate information was imparted. Thus, by transporting qualified educators to Georgia and establishing higher education within the state, Northern aid societies augmented the quality of African-American tuition. Prior to Northern benevolence, African-Americans, in both rural and urban Georgia, resourcefully utilised members of the black community who had obtained literary skills in the ante-bellum era as educators of the race. Indeed, as observed by Alvord, the black population were quick to ‘communicate to each other what they already know [sic]’  in the months following Georgia’s surrender. However, while literate African-Americans became teachers in an effort to ‘uplift their brethren,’  the education offered was often of a low standard. Within correspondence received by the Bureau, the spelling and grammar of black instructors is frequently poor. A letter composed by Eeli, who organised a school in rural Marietta, 1865, illustrates this concept when informing the Bureau of the ‘follering reports:’ there were 95 ‘knowne’ pupils who were ‘tort’ in a schoolhouse which had ‘bin’ organised since August and was owned by the ‘collard’ Baptists.  Similarly, Reverend Rucker of Marietta concluded a school report by acknowledging his scanty literary skills: ‘if my reporte is not right†¦you will pleas look over that and forgive.’  Furthermore, in rural Greensborough, African-American teacher Charles Brown enquired whether the Bureau could provide slates and pencils ‘if posibel.’  Similarly, in urban Savannah, black instructors displayed only basic knowledge of writing. Maria Jones, who established a school in the city, July 186 5, could spell accurately, yet possessed little understanding of grammar: ‘I am colored teacher. Have been teaching since July.’ Accordingly, a ‘smattering of education’  attained in the pre-bellum era was considered enough to qualify a black teacher; those with literary skills, however limited, were beacons to their illiterate counterparts. However, whilst these instructors could educate fellow African-Americans in their ABC’s, inaccurate habits, such as those manifested in Bureau letters, would have been transferred to students. Consequently, only the rudiments of literacy could be imparted independently within the black community and, even then, they were done so imperfectly. Georgia’s first African-American teachers were therefore perceived by Northern whites, government and benevolent, as inept.  Following a tour of the state, mid-1866, J.R. Lewis commented black teachers were ‘incompetent†¦[and] could scarcely read,’  a belief echoed by NEFAS/AMA representatives.  By 1869, Lewis’ opinion had not altered: their ‘ignorance’ generally did ‘more harm than good.’  Similarly, Alvord considered African-American educators to be ‘poorly prepared’ as they instructed ‘only in the alphabet’. Consequently, from late-1865 to 1870, approximately 370 qualified Northern teachers were transported to Georgia by philanthropic associations, primarily the AMA and NEFAS; a process which likewise occurred in Maryland and South Carolina.  Fundamentally, these teachers enhanced black education where African-Americans could not. Unlike their African-American counterparts, white instructors had completed higher education and possessed experience in the classroom. Lucy and Sarah Chase, transported by NEFAS to Savannah, December 1865, were ‘of the highest rank of New England’s ladies’  and had ‘proven themselves’  as talented teachers. Similarly, Linda Jacobs, likewise sent to the city by NEFAS, had ‘demonstrated her ability to fill any place you may assign her.’  Moreover, the AMA sponsored Miss Meye, ‘an experienced teacher,’  and a male ‘normal school graduate’  to teach within Georgia. Such educators, according to Alvord, were ‘competent in every respect;’  a contrast to poorly prepared black instructors. Moreover, alongside superior scholarship, Northern white teachers were equipped with educational resources that African-American teachers lacked, further enhancing the standard of teaching available to black society. African-American schoolhouses established and maintained independently were frequently devoid of academic textbooks.  While some black teachers utilised the Bible as a primer, the text was too advanced and proved ineffectual for this purpose.  White educators transported to Georgia, however, furnished ‘a large quantity of scholar’s books.’  Teachers sponsored by NEFAS taught with Progressive Readers and those supported by the AMA used Wilson’s Primary Speller, Fetter’s Primary Arithmetic and McGuffey’s Reader.  These textbooks were based upon the primary curriculum of Northern common schools and thus provided a more academically enriching classroom environment compared to the self-sufficient endeavours of the black communi ty. By transporting teachers and resources to Georgia, benevolent associations ensured short-term improvement in the quality of African-American tuition. In receiving a better education themselves, Northern instructors progressed African-American schooling beyond the standard taught independently within black society. Furthermore, in contrast to the informal efforts of black teachers, primers standardised African-American instruction, providing a solid, comprehensive curriculum.  Thus, in accordance with Fuke’s conclusion for Maryland, aid societies enhanced the quality of black schooling in Georgia, serving as catalysts to African-American education. However, Fuke generalises this argument making little distinction between urban and rural regions, suggesting Northern munificence was distributed reasonably evenly throughout Maryland.  Nonetheless, within Georgia, philanthropic activities demonstrated an ‘urban bias’  similarly to the Freedmen’s Bureau. According to Alvord, educational measures of benevolent associations were concentrated in the ‘principal cities.’  Furthermore, from late 1865-1870, approximately 70 percent of Northern teachers transported to Georgia were sent to urban areas.  This variation between Maryland and Georgia is explicable by the relationship between the Bureau and Northern societies; the Bureau functioned as a central organisation in the educational movement, coordinating the efforts of aid associations. Thus, it is logical that philanthropic activities within both Georgia and Maryland were directed in the same manner as those of the Bureau within each state. As an extension to Fuke’s conclusions, this case-study of Georgia suggests higher education also benefitted the standard of African-American tuition. In addition to furnishing short term support for black schooling, albeit more so in urban regions, benevolent associations provided long-term assistance to African-American education in Georgia. As established, black teachers who were devoid of professional training could only teach to a limited level. To progress their ability to instruct beyond the rudiments of literacy, these instructors required a better education themselves; a process unachievable within the black community. Accordingly, African-Americans required Northern support in order to ‘teach the teachers.’ During the early Reconstruction period, the AMA placed emphasis upon higher education and by 1870 it had established approximately 157 normal schools throughout the South, a number of which located in urban Georgia.  Storrs school in Atlanta and Lewis High School in Macon, for example, served as institutions of teacher training whereby black teachers received specialised instruction equivalent to their white counterparts. The most significant contribution of the AMA, however, was Atlanta University, founded June 1867, at the cost of $20,000.  Teacher training commenced in 1869, intending to fulfil the ‘much needed’ work in the state – the ‘preparation of black teachers’ for African-American schools.  By April 1869, the college possessed a normal class of 30 pupils, with an additional 70 scholars expected the following autumn term, all of whom were ‘taught the methods of imparting instruction [for] successful teaching.’  Furthermore, by 1870, the university had educated approximately 70 African-American graduates able teach to a level comparable to Northern whites. This new generation of African-American educators could therefore teach to a higher quality than the first black instructors of the state, enabling African-Americans to self-sufficiently progress their education beyond its previously limited level.  This was both a preference of Georgia’s black community, for African-Americans preferred to send children to black teachers, as opposed to white, and, increasingly, a necessity as Northern associations became ‘crippled’  for want of funds.  Fundamentally, whilst African-Americans independently inaugurated formal black schooling, Northern benevolence allowed black teaching to continue independently. Accordingly, the conclusion determined by Fuke for Maryland applies to Georgia; Northern aid societies augmented the quality of tuition where African-Americans could not self-sufficiently progress beyond certain limits, serving as catalysts to black education. Whilst literate African-Americans became the first educators of the race, their standard of teaching was restricted. With scanty literary skills themselves, black instructors only imparted basic knowledge. Thus, qualified Northern teachers immediately enhanced the standard of African-American education in Georgia. However, unlike their contemporaries in Maryland, Georgia’s rural black communities were somewhat dismissed. Furthermore, developing Fuke’s argument, higher education in Georgia likewise benefitted the level of black instruction; African-Americans could independently teach to a higher quality, improving the long-term conditions of black schooling. Whilst black society initiated its own tuition, Northern philanthropy enhanced it. Conclusion Scholarship regarding African-American education in the Reconstruction South has transformed during the last 50 years, gradually acknowledging the efforts of African-Americans themselves. However, only recent historiography concludes such schooling derived from black impetus. This argument has been applied, in particular, to Maryland and South Carolina. Jenkins argues African-Americans educated themselves in post-bellum South Carolina in a self-sufficient movement continuing the concealed efforts of the pre-bellum era.  Similarly, Fuke demonstrates African-American schooling in Maryland derived from grassroots impetus and Northern whites operated as catalysts within this movement created by black society; the Bureau facilitated its expansion by creating additional schoolhouses and Northern philanthropists enhanced the quality instruction. This dissertation intended to ascertain how far these combined conclusions apply to Georgia. Evidently, research suggests the educational movement in Georgia did largely accord with its counterparts in South Carolina and Maryland, with one exception; variations in the concentration of educational efforts are apparent. Nevertheless, the inauguration of formal black schooling in post-bellum Georgia, likewise to Maryland and South Carolina, can be attributed to the African-American community. This process, as concluded by Jenkins, commenced in the period preceding the Civil War. Despite legislation prohibiting instruction of African-Americans in Georgia, numerous individuals, slave and free alike, pursued their desire for education, acquiring a degree of literacy. Whilst this process occurred throughout the state, it was more challenging for rural African-Americans to obtain literary skills. Developing these foundations, African-Americans with even a modicum of knowledge became the first educators of the race in post-bellum Georgia. To accommodate such tuition, the black community exploited resources in its possession, organising formal schoolhouses prior to Northern white intervention. Indeed, 75 independently established and maintained schools existed by the summer of 1865.  Essentially, African-Americans taught each other whatever they knew and wherever they could. This educational movement was a continuation of pre-bellum efforts; formerly clandestine activity prior to the Civil War merely manifested itself visibly in post-bellum Georgia. Accordingly, the conclusions of Fuke and Jenkins apply to the state: formal African-American schooling was inaugurated independently by the black community. However, whereas their research suggests rural African-Americans were more motivated in establishing black schoolhouses, the antithesis occurred in Georgia; with fewer opportunities in the ante-bellum countryside to acquire education, fewer individuals could be utilised as teachers in the early Reconstruction period. Nevertheless, despite the concentration of educational efforts in urban Georgia, black schooling was initiated throughout the state by African-Americans themselves. Furthermore, Fuke’s conclusions concerning Northern whites in Maryland likewise apply to Georgia, again, however, with one exception. As in Maryland, the Bureau served as a catalyst in Georgia, expanding African-American education. Following the agency’s money and material donations, the number of black schoolhouses substantially increased in the state; advancement impoverished African-Americans could not accomplish independently. Nonetheless, despite the similarity of the Bureau’s overall influence in both states, a distinction can be ascertained. Whereas aid was distributed throughout Maryland, it was restricted primarily to urban Georgia; a variation explicable by the differing measures favoured by Bureau agents of each state. However, despite urban bias, the Bureau proved a valuable contribution in the growth of African-American schooling when examining Georgia as a whole. Nevertheless, although the Bureau expanded black schooling in Georgia, African-Americans did not adopt a passive role in this development, likewise to their contemporaries in Maryland. The impetus for Bureau schools frequently derived from the black community and, despite impoverishment, African-Americans sacrificed money towards their education. Bureau schools were therefore cooperative ventures and not endowments. Moreover, Fuke’s argument regarding Northern philanthropy in Maryland likewise applies to Georgia with one exception. Similarly to their role in Maryland, aid societies augmented the quality of black tuition in Georgia, serving as facilitators to the state’s educational movement. Whilst literate African-Americans became the first educators of the race, their standard of instruction was limited. Thus, by transporting qualified teachers to Georgia, Northern munificence enhanced the level of instruction available to black society. However, although the influence of Northern benevolence was similar in Maryland and Georgia, a distinction can be determined; educational activities were distributed throughout Maryland yet concentrated predominantly in urban Georgia. This pattern, within both states, echoes the measures of the Bureau. As the Bureau coordinated the efforts of Northern associations, it is logical their activities were directed in the same manner as those of the ag ency itself. Extending Fuke’s conclusion, higher education within Georgia further developed the standard of African-American tuition. By providing black teachers with professional training equivalent to their white counterparts, the AMA allowed African-Americans to teach to a higher standard than the level previously attained. Whilst African-Americans independently inaugurated black schooling, Northern benevolence allowed black teaching to continue independently. Accordingly, although discrepancies between the rural and urban experience are apparent when comparing Georgia to Maryland and South Carolina, the educational movement in Georgia, when examining the state as a whole, largely accords with the combined conclusions determined by Fuke and Jenkins; formal African-American schooling in the Reconstruction period was inaugurated self-sufficiently and Northern whites did act as catalysts within this process established by black society.